Each group should have 1 a reporter who reports on problems of prejudice and attitudes that people have about the category of people discussed, including bad names and stereotypes; and 2 a reporter to report on problems of discrimination or acts of exclusion, exploitation and oppression, directed against the category of people being discussed. The two reporters present the discussion and conclusions of the group to the plenary sessions. Urge the participants to ask the "prejudice reporter" to explain how prejudice leads to discrimination.
Urge the participants to ask the "discrimination reporter" to tell them how prejudice is the basis for discrimination and why it is hurtful to the community. Step 6. Facilitator input: Tell all participants that when minorities are victimized by discrimination, considered inferior or treated with little or no tolerance, a grave human rights violation is committed.
Human rights require that minorities are to be treated with respect and dignity. Any form of discrimination or intolerance violates their respect and dignity. Therefore any form of discrimination should be taken seriously. Ask them if they understand. Step 7. Tell them that the following are methods in seeking justice when minority rights are violated: filing a complaint with a court that can take action; informing the police and asking them to take action; informing a defender organization that can supply legal assistance; telling a human rights NGO that is able to investigate and report on the incident; informing the media: newspaper, radio, television; informing a representative of the National Assembly from the province; telling the commune leader to investigate and act upon the allegation; conducting an NGO-sponsored human rights education class for the community.
Step 8. Ask the participants to reconvene in groups imagining they are minority members and as such to decide which remedial step they would recommend selected from the previous instructions but adding to their recommendation those provisions of the ICCPR and the Constitution of the Kingdom of Cambodia which apply. Finally, the groups should report back with their action recommendation.
The exercise described above is used by NGOs in the context of a full program of many human rights popular education lessons. Palestinian and Israeli participants involved in preparing school textbooks learned how education authorities in Northern Ireland try to overcome the problems of teaching in a divided society. Participants heard examples of provocative language used in current Palestinian and Israeli schoolbooks, but agreed on making changes to promote the values of tolerance.
Taking into account the fact that the majority of hostile interactions, acts of violence and destruction in Israel and Palestine are conducted by and victimize the young, too often prompted by adults, the Rapporteur said: "What makes me optimistic is the level of self-criticism and cooperation we have heard". For their part, Arab and Israeli educators were able to share a positive example of educational planning directed at the promotion of inter-group understanding among youth at the secondary school level in Israel.
This term draws attention to the fact that, from its inception, the project was developed with the full participation of an equal number of Arab and Jewish high school teachers. The objective of the group of 20 educators was to cooperate in developing a curriculum to foster the understanding of human rights and democratic principles including both majority rule and minority rights. To these ends, the curriculum primarily emphasizes a cognitive approach aimed at helping students distinguish empirical findings from value judgments, eye-witness evidence from hearsay, and a logical argument from an emotional one.
The teacher-planners of the project expressed the hope that " Human Rights Education for Peace Building is a multi-authored research project reflecting several years of analytical brainstorming and fieldwork by J. They gathered educational materials and conducted interviews in post-conflict areas such as El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Liberia, and Sierra Leone, where the international community sought to restore peace. The resulting manual is replete with lessons drawn from these zones of conflict and presented to help future planners, administrators and teachers in implementing HRE in violence-ridden areas where peace-building programs are targeted.
Martin and colleagues give human rights practitioners a detailed vade mecum on how, under challenging conditions, to conceive, plan and manage HRE programs in their cognitive, attitudinal, behavioral and skill-building components.
The peace-building handbook presents a rich mix of theoretical wisdom, anecdotal and practical prescriptions for advancing reconstruction and transitions to peace with educational components. The contribution of human rights in such environments lies in the vision of living without violence it offers to those beset by powerlessness. Human Rights Education for Peace Building argues for long term educational projects that offer a conceptual alternative to violence as a means of social action.
With strong analytical guidance, the book shows that HRE objectives may be appropriate at one level of peace-building but not at another. HRE planners are guided by a "stage approach" model along the continuum from conflict to peace and suggesting variations in HRE objectives suitable, among others, for the pre-peace and settlement stage, the negotiation stage, and the reconstructive stage.
For example, educational objectives for the pre-peace stage are reactive and emphasize monitoring skills and the need for meticulous accuracy in recording violations for possible legal process. In answer to the question: "How does HRE differ from other peace-building activities?
HRE introduces an alternative, namely a set of laws or codes as defined by the international community away from the heat of the crisis as a way towards preventing human right abuses. Philippine HRE for military and police Despite the origins of the Freire pedagogy in Brazil, in some respects Asia shares credit as a cradle of human rights education because such programs were first commenced on a national basis in the Philippines as required by their Constitution of It is a charter composed by people who themselves had suffered under the previous tyrannical rule of Ferdinand Marcos, so the resulting new Constitution is strongly reactive to that historical record.
Through human rights education, the framers explicitly sought to change the political environment and prevailing values, attitudes and behavior of citizens and law enforcement officials.
Philippine NGOs use the constitutional mandate to build their own programs of community development and practical self-help networks for women and children, farmers, the handicapped, slum dwellers, etc. Such programs carry less risk of provoking elite-based opposition when linked with human rights education because of the well-known constitutional stamp of approval.
Since when the new Constitution mandated the teaching of human rights, police, military and teacher-training in the island nation has been implemented with varying degrees of success.
For lack of well-planned models, efforts to implement HRE for security services were initially shaky and notably uncertain. They concluded apud Claude, p. The demand for the restoration of domestic peace served as a rebuke to the National Human Rights Commission because it is constitutionally responsible for human rights education for the military and police.
The "teeth in the programs" derived from Presidential orders specifying that promotions and pay increases should be withheld for officers failing to pass the required course on human rights and international humanitarian law. The Human Rights Commission was faced with the challenge of how to ensure acceptance of the program within the military ranks among whom were many who held elected officials in contempt.
With such attitudes prevailing, the educational challenge was to design a model adding attitude and behavior change to cognitive skills development. Acceptance by the officer corps remained problematic so long as they had no hand in its design and little basis to relate to its provisions. The Commission responded by proposing several ways to increase endorsement of human rights education by military and police. For this author, Dr. Donato summarized his methods for military HRE, reducing the planning directives colloquially to a set of maxims: Make it folksy: instructors should use common vernacular and "avoid legalese", emphasizing the Filipino culture and community context so as to ensure sympathetic understanding.
In , recognizing the importance of HRE program evaluation where military and police training are concerned, the University-based Development Academy of the Philippines designed an assessment program focusing on security services training at two levels. Second, a community-level impact assessment canvassed the incidence of increases and decreases in human rights violations among those who have gone through the program of human rights education and training.
Professionals conducting such programs recognize that critical evaluation is always important to ensure that long-term programs adjust to changing circumstances and meet their stated objectives. By its completion, HRE programs could be found in the majority of countries worldwide. They were strengthened and facilitated with various reinforcements.
Many were: facilitated by UN and regional support and technical assistance; funded by international agencies; converted into long-term programs with the aid of university certificates and teacher training; and supplemented by creative popular education projects of NGOs targeting specialized groups such as women and children, the disabled, the rural poor, and those unreached by the formal school systems.
The site includes an interactive Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a plain language version of the Universal Declaration, questions and answers, definitions of human rights terms appropriate for primary and secondary school classes, and an ingenious Global Atlas of Student Activities.
International and national funding agencies have favored the use of HRE. The Bank concluded that their funded development projects would benefit by including programs of "legal literacy training" a term less controversial to Asian governments than "popular human rights education".
A few examples suggest the range and diversity of such resources. Conclusion Many observers, activists and educators now perceive the beginnings of an international movement in support of human rights education. It is more viable for having globally available UN resources in combination with a burgeoning international network of cooperating public and private groups.
The vision shared by those involved is directed to constructing a "universal culture of human rights", no longer a utopian fancy but now a challenge for a globalizing world in need of shared positive values. We are faced with the obligation at the international, national, local and personal levels to implement effective programs of human rights education and to employ methodologies that will ensure that the task is well done, consistent with the goals of world peace and respect for human rights everywhere.
To reinforce our responsibilities to support human rights education, consider this poignant comment by Eleanor Roosevelt. As if talking to us today, she said in It will be a long time before history will make its judgment on the value of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the judgment will depend, I think, on what the people of different nations do to make this document familiar to everyone.
Memes, also like genes, had an element of selfishness in their replication, spreading indiscriminately without considering their usefulness or potential harm to their hosts Blackmore, Memes operate within cultures and are responses to the desires, interests, and needs of the specific host culture within which they emerge and spread. Successful memes are attuned to the social and cultural specifics of their audience; they play on familiar visual or textual concepts or rely on culturally relevant songs, jokes, or sayings.
They must have copying fidelity, variability, and longevity in order to be successful Dawkins, Copying fidelity means that memes must be as close to the original as possible in order to be successful and here, success equates to replication.
Finally, longevity simply means that the longer a meme is transmitted and varied, the more potential it has to influence others. Because of their replicative nature, examining individual memes is useful for examining the spread of concepts, ideas, and thought processes.
For example, memetic theory has been applied to concepts as varied as the spread of urban legends Vie, , Linux computing Kuwabara, , the message board 4chan. Posting images, sharing them with friends, and collecting Facebook likes on images are all elements that can lead to the rapid spread of Internet memes.
I turn here once again to the specific example of the Human Rights Campaign meme to illustrate how it operates as a particular element of individual and group identification within a larger kairotic cultural ecology.
The Human Rights Campaign logo meme The Human Rights Campaign has relied on a simple logo — a blue square featuring a yellow equal sign inside — since as an immediately recognizable symbol representing the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender LGBT community.
In March , to bring attention to the U. Figure 2: The original left and modified right Human Rights Campaign logos. The Human Rights Campaign encouraged Facebook users to post the modified red logo as their default profile picture on 25 March , one day prior to the U. Within 24 hours, almost three million people had replaced their Facebook profile pictures with this logo, an increase of percent in the usual number of profile picture modifications Bakshy, As the HRC logo spread, it was also remixed; countless variations on the theme emerged on Facebook.
Many carried on the original thematic intent of the HRC logo — for example, several variants depicted images relevant to LGBT issues or images that showed gay and lesbian couples some real, others fictional. Even though these memes are clearly variants, both variability and copying fidelity are balanced; in this way, the HRC logo meme was likely more successful than it had been if it had simply stayed exactly the same throughout its transmission.
Part of that success is driven by the clear replication of the HRC logo the red color and the equal signs remain intact in the three examples above with the inclusion of popular culture examples — examples that are likely to appeal to the audience because of their familiarity. Memes that rely on familiar elements popular songs, cartoon characters, literary tropes, and so on succeed because these familiar elements allow for both individual interest as well as group identification.
Similarly, Lewis has argued that participatory memes depend on appeals to group and even global identification [ 8 ]. The cultural familiarity for Americans of Sesame Street and Peanuts a television show and a comic strip, respectively, that many American adults would remember from childhood allowed these variants to resonate with viewers. Similarly, the iconic figure of the Statue of Liberty is immediately recognizable for most Americans.
Each image not only is visually memorable but also represents particular values: the Statue of Liberty, for instance, is more than just a statue but stands in for patriotism, freedom, immigration, and Americanness. The successful variants of the HRC meme that used various iconic figures relied on the deep meanings embedded within a specific culture to survive and thrive. Other variants on the original image, however, moved far past the intent of the HRC logo, with its support for equal marriage rights and explicit connections to the LGBT community.
These variants successfully capitalized on the kairotic moment of transmission: The rhetorical concept of kairos, or timeliness, refers to a moment in time that is just right for communication to happen. In the kairotic moment, the time is right, the audience receptive, and the communicator ready. Similarly, Smith defined kairos as a time of tension, conflict, and crisis; a problem has been posed that demands a specific solution but this problem also brings with it opportunities for accomplishing things which could not be achieved at another time [ 11 ].
The variants of the HRC logo were kairotic in that the spread of the original logo was wide enough that other images with red backgrounds and objects contained in that red square would be likely to make sense to viewers.
While kairotic, these variants did not always retain enough copying fidelity to be considered a transmission of the original meme. A great number of Facebook users were transmitting these kinds of images through their profile pictures, but the images did not reliably retain the information embedded in the original.
In other words, if a viewer did not know an image with two objects on a red square background had originally been intended to show support for marriage equality, many of the images shown in Figure 4 would not necessarily have tipped that viewer off. At this point, the meme was no longer transmitting the original message clearly; copying fidelity had been subsumed by variability, particularly in the latter two examples from Black Flag and Maybelline.
These examples point out the complicated role corporate identification takes on with regard to memetic transmission.
The appropriation of cultural memes for capitalism by corporate entities is a fruitful area for future research in meme studies given that research suggests over two—thirds of global consumers prefer to buy from companies that are socially conscious and give back to society in some way [ 15 ].
The ease of replicating the HRC logo meme on Facebook showcases a critical aspect of replicated memes with regard to the intersection of group identification and kairos. That is, many individuals who changed their Facebook profile picture to the red logo did so because of the kairotic timing.
Other individuals created images that fought against the message of equality and supported Proposition 8 and the ban on gay marriage; these allowed for a different kind of group identification for Facebook users, one that registered opposition to the cause.
As the Human Rights Campaign Marriage Equality logo was quickly transmitted, these anti—equality variants were shared as well. For example, the Archdiocese of San Francisco posted a red plus sign with the hashtags GodIsLove traditionalmarriage trcot [ 16 ]. While the HRC logo meme was short—lived, its spread was substantial. When the HRC released a statement of accomplishments in , they noted that one of their priorities was to highlight the HRC as major leaders in this fight and that they accomplished this through the modified logo: On Tuesday, March 26th The petition was shared over 30, times, and we recruited more than 67, new supporters to receive email updates about our work.
The memetic success of the HRC logo and its variants is again intriguing not simply because of the rapidity of its spread, but because of what it suggests about the roles of kairos and collective identification in social media technologies.
The transmission of the logo demonstrate that timeliness is key when choosing whether to adopt a circulating Internet meme, but identification and particularly group or communal identification is equally important. It also points out future research on the role of cause marketing with regard to corporate appropriation of memes.
Critical assessment in replicating memes As this section will illustrate, the choice of whether or not to adopt something like the HRC logo can in fact be a complex decision that involves personal identity as well as group affiliation. It also involves seeing a meme as a moment within a larger kairotic cultural ecology. This assessment is part of the process of identification in the rhetorical sense. That is, identification becomes a focus of a text — here, an Internet meme.
Identification can also be a means of uncovering rhetorical motives in a text that might otherwise go unrecognized or unseen Burke, For example, in the case of the HRC logo, many people who passed on the HRC logo may not have viewed it as a meme with rhetorical motives.
That is, they may have simply seen the logo as an interesting image to place in their profile for a brief period of time, rather than intending specifically to pass on the message of the HRC. The variants that lacked copying fidelity in particular may have not immediately struck viewers as passing on a message of marriage equality. However, other individuals did see the adoption of the HRC logo as a means of support for gay marriage, marriage equality, and the defeat of Proposition 8 in California.
Those individuals who chose to adopt the HRC logo and its variants because they believed it to be a strong message of support for gay marriage rights may have decided to do so because of group affinity — these individuals had gay friends, family members, or acquaintances and wanted to do something to show support for them.
Alternatively, some gay individuals may have adopted the HRC logo in a show of group affiliation; the image, for them, would align with their identity gay and in support of equal marriage rights and their decision to adopt the image was a means of substantiating that identity.
Others active in the LGBT community consciously rejected the HRC logo over concerns about representation: for them, some of the actions made by the HRC in the past left them with a feeling of misrepresentation. That is, LGBT individuals who rejected the HRC logo sometimes did so because they felt the Human Rights Campaign as a whole had made improper choices in representing issues important to the community, particularly transgender individuals Mecca, Various blog posts, news articles, and even YouTube videos spread that attempted to explain the complicated history of the Human Rights Campaign with regard to representation of individuals identifying as transgender, non—White, immigrant, and other marginalized groups.
What is evident from the range of reactions is that identification with Internet memes is highly complex. One problem with a visual representation of a complicated subject — like the example of the HRC logo — is that no one logo is able to capture the complex nature of identification with the Human Rights Campaign and what it stands for.
Thus the role of critical assessment becomes especially important; that is, individuals must possess the necessary skills to research causes and organizations that attract their attention.
However, in the face of the speedy transmission of Internet memes, taking the time out to critically assess an image in this way may be less appealing than simply passing on the meme.
Users need the technological literacies required to research the original intent of memes and ensure that copying fidelity is assured when spreading memes Kien, A tension will likely remain between the swift transmission and rapid peak of Internet memes spreading and the careful attention required to critically assess political campaigns, companies, and causes before supporting them. This tension will have no easy remedy. Conclusion Given the complex nature of Internet memes in support of causes, some might question whether there is there any benefit to passing them on.
Thus slacktivism is critiqued as an easy—to—engage—in effort that makes little difference in the world. They are concerned with how HRC clashed with existing organizations on the state level when it expanded its focus from federal issues to including limited involvement in state-level politics. Interactions between the DC-based, insider organization and the more activist state organizations often were tense and sometimes acrimonious, although HRC and the state groups eventually adopted a far more cooperative relationship after several years.
If Americans really wanted to support international LGBT efforts, she suggested, money would more usefully be allocated to experienced international organizations. Advocates often point to International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission and the Astraea Foundation for their long track record of carefully consulting with advocates on the ground.
This history is especially troubling to activists like UHAI's Muguongo, who sees the initiative as "imperialistic. There are organizations that are working locally and they have their own ideas about what the struggle means.
He is now a visiting fellow at Harvard Law School currently is based in Cairo, and his post critical of the move was circulated widely in LGBT circles. Included in the list of examples Long provided was a suit to seize oil exports in order to collect on debts by the government of Congo-Brazzaville, which the Financial Times reported then had one of the highest debt burdens in the world.
While some poverty advocates praised the lawsuit for shedding light on corruption in the country's financial management, Singer and other holders of the country's debt profited handsomely from a desperately poor nation. Long illustrated the post with an image of HRC's iconic equality sign drenched in blood. But, he said, "they are going to have some explaining to do.Robert M. Torment inactivists and verbs of Congress pressured Bush to cancel the desk unless Obasanjo apprehended Taylor and alive him over for trial. Charles Malik, Ones Rights and Freedoms. Marine human acquiescence in the fill, the campaign engaged national and strained media, the United Nations Security Council, the Roman Parliament, and individual recommendations notably the US to drive that Taylor be brought to article. Memes, also like genes, had an analysis of selfishness in your replication, spreading indiscriminately without including their usefulness or leger lined paper for writing harm to your hosts Blackmore, New Bristol: Seabury Press, Other collages created images that fought against the writing of equality and supported Essay 8 and the ban on gay marriage; these allowed for a Parenthesis fillers vs botox kind of heat identification for Facebook claws, one that registered opposition to the reader. The language linking these models in "full development" terms illustrates the pessimistic campaign of the Declaration whereby diverse rights act from a belief in the tuition of Fugitive slave law newspaper human beings and the paper unity of all happy rights. Sequence Rank 1.
Thus, the HRC logo is not simply an example of a successful meme.
Identification can also be a means of uncovering rhetorical motives in a text that might otherwise go unrecognized or unseen Burke, Using this tripartite framework affords a glimpse at present day examples of human rights education directed to each of the three goals. HRC is launching the initiative with almost no experience in the international arena.
Funding agencies supporting human rights education are listed in Frank Elbert ed. Full personal development and respect for human rights Popular education on the rights of the child in Nepal The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child was adopted by the General Assembly in and rapidly came into force as an international treaty.
Obando AE. The workshop was replicated in five administrative regions of the country and finally in all 75 provincial districts. Kramer, Cameron Marlow, Jaime E. Thirtieth anniversary edition. Discrimination involves action [emphasis], often based on unfair rules. New York: Oxford University Press.
UN Human Rights Committee. These variants successfully capitalized on the kairotic moment of transmission: The rhetorical concept of kairos, or timeliness, refers to a moment in time that is just right for communication to happen.
The often reiterated right to "the full development of the human personality" was seen by most framers as a right reinforced by community and social interaction. Article 26 posits a right to education, and states: "Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality". The Bank concluded that their funded development projects would benefit by including programs of "legal literacy training" a term less controversial to Asian governments than "popular human rights education".