Major themes which played a continuing role in the development of both the internal structure and the decision-making of the European Union often revolved around a clash between national interests and a more common federalist approach Inter-governmentalism vs.
Supra-nationalism , a combination of political pragmatism and idealism as well as the influence of individual figures. The book starts off with a brief overview of previous concepts of European integration in the inter-war period, noting, however, that it was only after the European continent lay in ruins that the imminent need for closer cooperation and integration became apparent. Here, however, a divergence which was to shape much of the integration process in the following decades surfaced: the idea of Euro-federalism and supra-nationalism against an inter-governmental approach aiming to preserve the nation-state while at the same time nevertheless promoting closer cooperation as well.
His teaching and research interests are European neighbourhood and enlargement policies, East European history and politics, and environmental policies. Robin de Bruin Robin de Bruin is Assistant Professor of European Studies at the University of Amsterdam, with a current research focus on the relationship between decolonization and European integration. He lectures on Modern European History, including European integration.
She lectures on the history of the European Union and currently focuses on rural and environmental governance in Europe. The research is steeped in literature by political scientists and inspired by historical institutionalism which helps to keep the analysis compact and consistent despite the broad contextualization it offers.
However, this price is very acceptable in light of what is gained, most importantly because the approach allows Warlouzet to avoid the teleological trap of seeing the EC as the obvious forum for economic governance.
Beyond that, the book complicates the history of neoliberalism, thus contributing to another rising field of research in contemporary history. James also dedicates quite some space to the international dimension of the European monetary project with comparative references to US history, developments in the 19th century, and the role of other international forums in the field, such as the International Monetary Fund , all of which is very helpful.
To explain the various developments, it juxtaposes French and German economic traditions while also throwing in contextual factors. The result is an illuminating history of the most recent past.
In any case, they demonstrate that historical research on European integration is well able to comment on ongoing political developments. Beyond these monographs, several edited volumes have recently contributed to this field of analyzing EC policies. While some of the contributions contain fresh research, others summarize findings already published elsewhere; in all of them, the role of actors choosing economic integration is highlighted. Their contribution and impact cannot be generalized, as the editors readily admit.
Beyond that, unfortunately, there is no strong analytical framework that holds the various pieces together. Still, readers might find individual chapters useful. The disproportional attention paid to large Western European countries might also seem odd. And while the EC itself remains marginal in the majority of the texts, the various contributions can be helpful for researchers in integration history to orient themselves quickly on key contextual topics.
Over the past three decades, Kaelble has pushed for linking integration history to the history of European societies more than anybody, 32 and this book is another plea to do so. He discusses how human rights issues were negotiated in Western Europe with regard to the Mediterranean dictatorships, most notably for the cases of Spain and Greece.
During its early years, its powers and priorities lay in completely different fields. Others have already argued that during the years between the veto and the end of French blockage of British EC membership, the WEU helped to bridge the divide between the Community and the UK. Convincingly, she demonstrates that during the s, debates did not lead to much concrete joint action. More importantly, national governments learned from each other on questions of crisis management when facing terrorist attacks.
Oberloskamp resists that temptation; she, too, places the EC in context by discussing why an association of this new initiative with other international organizations, such as the Council of Europe, was considered but ultimately dismissed at the time. Maybe the most obvious approach in this context is pursued by Angela Siebold in her analysis of the Schengen area, at least at first glance. In , for instance, when the Schengen states reduced internal border controls, they also hardened their external borders—with Poland sitting on the wrong side of the fence.
Like Siebold, Marung pays particular attention to Poland. Chronologically, she pushes the boundaries of research into the s and the first decade of our century. Something else is more important: conceptually, she assesses the various layers of border-making, from the EU to the national and the local levels, while also including spaces in the vicinity of the EU.
Like some of the edited volumes already cited, this publication results from multidisciplinary cooperation. It helps to inject integration history with new life by historicizing, contextualizing, and conceptualizing European territoriality as one of the hidden core categories of the integration process.
This partly reflects the new possibilities for archive-based analyses on the s and s, when the EC increasingly ventured into new policy domains. More fundamentally, it demonstrates that the limits of the field have become fuzzier, mainly for good reasons. Beyond state actors, transnational actors have gained more attention, though the last five years have seen slightly less research highlighting this dimension than the decade before. Some studies have examined the question in its own right, while others are more interested in the extent to which integration has impacted self-images.
Having said this, scholars are highly interested in how citizens have related to European integration. Marginal in the early stages of European integration research, publications that address these kinds of questions and that in one way or another build on the cultural turn have risen to prominence in recent years, and at least some of these recent advances shall be briefly discussed here.
To start with the latter point, there is now doubt that European integration mainly unfolded through top-level negotiations between politicians, civil servants, and representatives of transnational interest groups. But at crucial junctures European citizens spoke up to express support or dissatisfaction with the EC or addressed European affairs in other forums. In line with earlier research, her work demonstrates that the high tide of civil engagement was already long over by the time the European Economic Community was established.
Having said that, the book comes up with interesting insights at the comparative and the transnational level. Moreover, it pushes the boundaries of research on these groups in the two countries further into the s in comparison to earlier studies.
We thus learn how they adjusted their self-understanding to changing political and cultural environments. Norwig discusses the various activities of the Campaign. He mainly focuses on debates in Germany but also throws in information on other countries. This holds particularly true for the time since the s and again especially if one leaves the realm of ideas and focuses more on practices and concrete forms of civic engagement.
According to its introduction, this edited volume is interested in the paradoxical nexus between elections and resistance against European integration, that is whether elections might further forms of EU criticism. Content-wise, it nuances our understanding of the issue at stake. Its various chapters, many of which result from PhD theses and other qualification work from Germany over the past decade or so, delve into the various anti-liberal discourses about Europe, from colonialism and Nazism to conservative and socialist visions which, obviously, did not just imply various definitions of Europe, but also of anti- liberalism, with the latter term becoming vaguer as the book continues.
Put differently, anti-liberal ideas of Europe were not necessarily anti-European. Almost all studies of this kind base their research on social constructivist premises. They often refer to Benedict Anderson and his concept of imagined communities, with the idea of transposing such work on nationalism to the European tier. They also provide empirical evidence, but at that level, others have in the meantime gone further in this quickly expanding field.Supranational actors, most notably the European Commission, but also the European Parliament and the European Court of Justice, have been factored in. The book is brilliantly written and impresses by transcending the usual focus on national interests, negotiations, and nitty-gritty steps of institution-building. A truly positive aspect of Europe Recast is the fact that the author bases his findings on a vast variety of research papers, publications, articles, technical literature and primary sources. It is, therefore, apparent that the British contestation over 'Europe' is structurally reproducing Britain's distinctive relationship to the process of European integration. Content-wise, it nuances our understanding of the issue at stake.
Also, the Schuman Declaration of and subsequent steps were imbued with late-colonial thinking. Something else is more important: conceptually, she assesses the various layers of border-making, from the EU to the national and the local levels, while also including spaces in the vicinity of the EU. Preview Download 10MB Preview Abstract My research develops a sociological framework for exploring the structural constraints on the Europeanisation of British politics. However, this price is very acceptable in light of what is gained, most importantly because the approach allows Warlouzet to avoid the teleological trap of seeing the EC as the obvious forum for economic governance. He discusses how human rights issues were negotiated in Western Europe with regard to the Mediterranean dictatorships, most notably for the cases of Spain and Greece.
Item Type:. Transnational historians, but for instance also economic historians and those interested in the history of production and consumption or questions of political representation, can hardly afford to further ignore the work on what is arguably the most extensive transnational collaboration under political auspices in contemporary history.
In a separate footnote section at the end of each chapter he meticulously indicates the many works and documents he consulted for each subject; in addition a detailed bibliography can be found at the end of the book.
Their contribution and impact cannot be generalized, as the editors readily admit. Those issues remain beyond the scope of this book, which is steeped in diplomatic history.
He mainly focuses on debates in Germany but also throws in information on other countries. The book is brilliantly written and impresses by transcending the usual focus on national interests, negotiations, and nitty-gritty steps of institution-building.
ISBN: Hence, it is not just the challenges of the EU in our own times that make its past relevant; the findings of many of the books and articles in the field also speak to broader debates in contemporary history. Future research has to go further in trying to provide answers to such probing questions. James also dedicates quite some space to the international dimension of the European monetary project with comparative references to US history, developments in the 19th century, and the role of other international forums in the field, such as the International Monetary Fund , all of which is very helpful. Additionally, the text organization is not fully convincing. Europeans on both sides of the Iron Curtain drifted further than ever before from the lines dictated by Washington and Moscow.
ISBN: I discuss forms of political and economic modernisation and argue that we can use broad conceptions of these processes to establish the underlying structural tensions within the relationship between the British state and European integration. It is also for this very reason that the field has become more relevant for broader questions of contemporary historical research, as this review article argues. Supra-nationalism , a combination of political pragmatism and idealism as well as the influence of individual figures.
I discuss forms of political and economic modernisation and argue that we can use broad conceptions of these processes to establish the underlying structural tensions within the relationship between the British state and European integration. Since both formats were only fully established in the s as mechanisms to react to the seminal challenges of the time, this approach is highly useful. This point will be picked up again later; still, it should have become clear that the field is moving in very interesting new directions.
Middelaar imports the categories through which he analyzes European integration history from political theory. He, too, underlines the continuous relevance of references to Europe in media debates. Rigorous research on these Western European, post developments commenced in the s, mostly conducted by legal scholars and political scientists. Beyond state actors, transnational actors have gained more attention, though the last five years have seen slightly less research highlighting this dimension than the decade before. The military crisis in eastern Ukraine and the refugee crisis call for a joint approach, but in practice reveal the difficulty of maintaining even the appearance of European solidarity and political unanimity.
From the vantage point of European integration research, the volume is highly effective in contextualizing the rise of EU summitry; in fact, several of its chapters add further formats and forums into the mix, such as the OECD and GATT, in which Western governments bargained the various issues at stake.
Difficulty of European solidarity When the Treaty of Lisbon went into effect in December , the event seemed to mark the beginning of a longer phase of institutional consolidation for the EU. Reinfeldt shows convincingly that such campaigns and policies mainly targeted the elites, especially opinion leaders, opinion formers, and specialist audiences. I explore in some detail the extensive attack by a Eurosceptic movement on the Major government that undermined the attempt of the governing elites to accommodate Britain to a second wave of integration.